As Bashar Al Assad has already left Syria for Russia and Jolani led HTS has established control over Damascus for the Syrian Salvation Government ,what lies ahead in future for Syria and the whole region? What will be the impact of these events in the middle east and in the global powerplay ? To understand all this better its necessary to take a short look at the history of Syria ,it’s demography and roots of the civil war that culminated in all this
Syrian Independence and the Rise of Hafez Al-Assad
Syria gained its independence from French colonial rule on April 17, 1946. After a period of political instability, coups, and military intervention, the country’s future would be shaped by the rise of Hafez al-Assad. Al-Assad, born into an Alawite family in 1930, initially entered the military and rose quickly through the ranks due to his competence and loyalty to the Ba’ath Party, which had gained influence in Syria since the 1940s.
In March 1963, the Ba’ath Party, a pan-Arab socialist political party, took power following a coup, and Hafez al-Assad became an integral figure in the party’s rise. He became Syria’s Defense Minister in 1966, and by 1970, he seized full control of the country in a military coup known as the “Corrective Movement.” Assad established an authoritarian regime, centralized power in his hands, and solidified the dominance of the Alawite sect within Syria’s political and military structures.
Hafez al-Assad ruled Syria with an iron fist for nearly three decades until his death in 2000, overseeing the consolidation of Syria’s state institutions under his absolute control. Despite the brutal methods employed to maintain power, he is also credited with modernizing certain sectors of Syria’s economy and infrastructure, particularly the military and agricultural sectors, though often at the expense of human rights and democratic freedoms.
Syrian Demographics: A Complex Mosaic of Ethnic and Religious Groups
Syria is a diverse country with a complex demographic composition, home to various ethnic, religious, and sectarian groups. These groups have played a significant role in the political and social dynamics of the country, particularly in the context of the Syrian Civil War. Some of the key groups include:
Sunni Arabs: The Sunni Muslim population is the largest group in Syria, constituting approximately 60-65% of the population. They are predominantly Arabs and are spread across the central and southern regions of Syria, including the capital, Damascus. Sunni Arabs have historically been a dominant group in Syria, but under the rule of the Alawite-dominated Assad regime, their influence has been significantly diminished in political and military spheres.
Alawites: The Alawite sect, an offshoot of Shiite Islam, makes up around 12-15% of Syria’s population. The Alawites are concentrated in the coastal areas, particularly in the mountains of Latakia and Tartus. The Assad family belongs to the Alawite sect, and the Alawites have held significant political and military power under Hafez and Bashar al-Assad. Their control of the Syrian regime has caused significant tensions with other sects, particularly the Sunni majority.
Kurds: Kurds make up about 10-15% of Syria’s population and are primarily concentrated in the northeastern regions of the country, especially in the areas bordering Turkey and Iraq. Kurdish groups have long sought greater autonomy, and during the civil war, Kurdish forces such as the YPG (People’s Defense Units) emerged as key actors.
Christians: Christians, including both Eastern Orthodox and Catholic sects, make up about 10% of Syria’s population. They are spread across Syria, with significant communities in the cities of Aleppo, Damascus, and Latakia. Christians have historically been seen as a stabilizing force in Syria, with many fearing that their survival depends on the Assad regime’s continued dominance.
Druze: The Druze community, a unique religious sect with ties to both Islam and other spiritual traditions, constitutes around 3-5% of the population. The Druze are concentrated in the southern region of Syria, particularly in the Quneitra and Suwayda provinces. Historically, they have been politically neutral but have been drawn into the conflict due to their sectarian identity and proximity to the front lines.
Turkmen: The Syrian Turkmen population, made up of ethnic Turks, comprises around 2-3% of Syria’s total population. They live mostly in the northern regions of the country, near the Turkish border, and have been involved in the conflict, particularly with support from Turkey.
Yezidis: The Yezidi community, a small Kurdish religious minority, lives primarily in the northeastern regions of Syria. Like the Kurds, the Yezidis have faced persecution, particularly from ISIS.
The Assad Clan and the Alawites: A Power Play
The Assad family’s rise to power in Syria has been intricately linked to the Alawite community’s dominance within the state apparatus. As an Alawite, Hafez al-Assad’s ascent to the presidency in 1970 marked a significant shift in Syria’s political landscape. The Alawites had historically been marginalized in Syria, which had been largely governed by Sunni Arabs. However, Assad’s military coup and subsequent establishment of a strong authoritarian regime empowered the Alawites, consolidating their control over key military and political institutions.
The Alawite community’s control of Syria has been one of the primary sources of tension during the Syrian Civil War. Their minority status in a predominantly Sunni country has made them a target for opposition groups, many of which have seen the Alawites as symbols of oppression and the Assad regime’s tyranny. The centralization of power within the Assad family, alongside the Alawite sect’s deep involvement in security and intelligence agencies, has created a political system built on loyalty to the regime, rather than to the nation or its people.
Assad’s Rule: Brutal Dictatorship with a Secular and Modern Outlook
Hafez al-Assad’s rule was marked by a combination of brutal repression and efforts to modernize Syria. While Assad employed harsh tactics to suppress political opposition, including widespread use of torture, imprisonment, and execution, he also implemented several reforms aimed at modernizing Syria’s economy and infrastructure and kept the minorities safe.His policies emphasized secularism and pan-Arab nationalism, maintaining the image of Syria as a modern, socialist state, despite the authoritarian governance style.
Under Assad’s leadership, Syria underwent several modernization efforts, particularly in agriculture and industry. However, political freedoms were heavily restricted, and dissent was met with ruthless retaliation, most notably in the 1982 Hama massacre, where thousands of opposition figures were killed to quell an Islamist uprising.
Bashar al-Assad’s Presidency and the Arab Spring
Bashar al-Assad, the son of Hafez, succeeded his father following his death in 2000. Initially seen as a potential reformer, Bashar’s presidency quickly devolved into a continuation of the authoritarian policies that characterized his father’s rule. Economic liberalization efforts were undertaken, but they failed to bring substantial benefits to the average Syrian citizen, with much of the country’s wealth concentrated in the hands of the elite.
When the Arab Spring protests erupted in 2011, initially inspired by the overthrow of dictators in Tunisia, Egypt, and Libya, Syria was not immune to the wave of unrest. Protests began in March 2011 in the southern city of Daraa after the arrest and torture of several teenagers for painting anti-government graffiti. The protests quickly spread across the country, demanding greater freedoms, the release of political prisoners, and an end to corruption.
In response, Bashar al-Assad’s regime alleged western powers to fan the flames of unrest in the guise of public grievances and used violent force to suppress the protests. What began as peaceful demonstrations soon escalated into a full-scale civil war, with opposition groups taking up arms against the regime.
The Syrian Civil War: The Rise of the FSA and the Formation of Factions
The Syrian Civil War officially began in 2011, as the Syrian Free Army (FSA),which later became Syrian National Army (SNA) (funded and trained heavily by Turkiye) composed of defected soldiers and civilians, began fighting the Assad regime. The conflict quickly became a multi-faceted war, with numerous factions emerging. These factions included moderate rebels, Islamist groups, and Kurdish forces, all of whom pursued different goals and received varying degrees of support from regional and international powers.
Over time, the situation became more complicated as foreign actors entered the conflict, with the U.S., Russia, Turkiye, Iran, and others all taking sides in the war, further complicating the situation.
The Rise of ISIS
One of the most horrific developments in the Syrian Civil War was the emergence of ISIS (Islamic State of Iraq and Syria). In 2013, ISIS, formerly an Al-Qaeda affiliate, declared itself a caliphate and began its brutal conquest of large portions of Syria and Iraq. ISIS’s extreme form of jihadist ideology, combined with its rapid territorial expansion, made it one of the most brutal and feared terror organizations in modern history.
ISIS’s rise took advantage of the chaos in Syria and Iraq, establishing a self-declared caliphate with its capital in Raqqa, Syria. The group’s atrocities included mass executions, the enslavement of women, and widespread destruction of cultural heritage sites.
YPG/SDF, PKK, and Turkiye’s Involvement
The YPG (People’s Defense Units) and the SDF (Syrian Democratic Forces) are primarily Kurdish-led militias that became instrumental in fighting ISIS in northern Syria. The SDF was backed by the U.S. and was largely composed of Kurdish forces, including the YPG, but also included some Arab and Christian groups.
Turkiye however, views the YPG as an extension of the PKK (Kurdistan Workers’ Party), a Kurdish separatist group that has waged an insurgency against the Turkish government for decades. Turkiye has been involved in the conflict to safeguard its own interests, aiming to curb Kurdish autonomy in northern Syria, and has supported opposition groups like the Syrian National Army (SNA), which includes Turkmen fighters.
Russia, Iran, and Hezbollah’s Role
As the civil war unfolded, the Assad regime as the legitimate Syrian government invited Russia and Iran to help in restorimg stability in the country and received significant support from Russia, Iran, and Hezbollah. Russia, under President Vladimir Putin, provided military and diplomatic support to the Syrian government, including airstrikes against opposition forces, which helped to turn the tide of the war in favor of the Assad regime.
Iran also played a critical role, sending forces from the IRGC (Iranian Revolutionary Guard Corps) and supporting Assad’s efforts to maintain control over key territories. Hezbollah, the Lebanese Shiite militia funded amd supported by Iran, has fought alongside Syrian government forces, particularly in areas with large Sunni populations.
Turkiye’s Support for the Syrian Opposition
Turkiye has been one of the most active regional players in the Syrian conflict, providing support to various rebel groups ,especially SNA ,fighting the Assad regime, particularly in northern Syria. Turkiye’s primary objective has been to prevent the establishment of a Kurdish autonomous region along its southern border and to limit the influence of Kurdish groups such as the YPG and PKK.To this extent Turkiye has even allegedly used HTS to do its bidding against PKK/YPG .In this quest to quell the PKK menace ,as what Turkey officials call it ,Turkiye has come face to face against USA itself which is the largest backer of YPG led Kurdish factions and refuses to acknowledge the PKK threat in the ranks of YPG .
Astana Accords and the “Green Bus” Policy
In an attempt to de-escalate the conflict, Russia, Iran, and Turkey brokered the Astana Accords in 2017, which aimed to establish ceasefires and create de-escalation zones in Syria. The “Green Bus” policy, which facilitated the relocation of rebel fighters from certain areas to Idlib, was part of this strategy to concentrate rebel forces in a single region.This will prove disastrous for Assad in the long term as it consolidated the rebels hold over Idlib and provided them a safe haven ,bordering Turkiye.
Hayat Tahrir Al-Sham and Its Ties to Al-Qaeda and ISIS
Hayat Tahrir al-Sham (HTS) is a jihadist group that emerged from the remnants of Al-Nusra Front, which had previously been affiliated with Al-Qaeda. Over the years, HTS has distanced itself from Al-Qaeda but continues to be an influential force in Syria, particularly in the Idlib region. While the group claims to have reformed, it’s now the most significant player in the ongoing quagmire in Syria.Its leader Jolani though has shown moderate tendencies after seizure of Damascus but it needs to be seen how true to their words they will be in the long run.Right now HTS seems to prefer a peaceful transition of power and negotiations with all international powers while keeping good relations with not only Russia,Turkiye ,Iran but also Israel.
2024 Rebel Offensives and the Fall of Assad’s Regime
In 2024, the Syrian civil war entered a new phase, with HTS and other opposition groups launching a series of offensives against Assad’s forces. The regime’s grip on power weakened as rebel factions made significant gains, employing deep commando raid tactics and exploiting divisions within the regime’s forces.There are also claims that SAA leadership betrayed and ordered fighting formations to stand down and surrender the cities.The reason why battle hardened 25 div didn’t resist much and retreated to Alawite areas to conserve their strength sensing some sort of high level betrayal.Or the majority of SAA was caught off guard and was inefficient without Wagner fighters to support it along with Hezbollah and IRGC, all of whom are busy fighting elsewhere now. Or a combination of both? It’s difficult to assess for now
Geostrategic Scenario: Russia, Turkiye Iran, and Israel
The Syrian Civil War has become a battleground for competing geopolitical interests. Russia and Iran have supported the Assad regime, while Turkiye has backed the opposition forces(Mainly SNA and allegedly some HTS faction through SNA ) .Israel, meanwhile, has remained a key player, conducting airstrikes against Iranian and Hezbollah targets in Syria to prevent the entrenchment of Iranian forces near its border and now is rapidly advancing beyond Golan Heights to create a buffer zone against future threats from Iran and Hezbollah.
SNA meanwhile is busy fighting the Kurdish factions in the north acting as an extension of Turkish Armed Forces to citedly eradicate PKK strongholds.
ISIS has also started to raise its ugly head near Raqqa in the presence of a power vacuum. Something of grave concern for everyone.
Apart from all this ,there also is a crucial element of oil pipeline going through Syria from Qatar to Turkiye crossing Saudi Arabia,supposed to supply EU with energy resources as an alternative to Russian supplies. It will be interesting to see what unfolds in future and if Russia is able to keep its sway in the region colluding with Turkiye and control even this supply route to choke EU even more .
The Syrian Civil War is a tragic chapter in the history of the Middle East, characterized by immense suffering, political intrigue, and complex geopolitics. What began as a popular revolt against a brutal regime has evolved into a multi-sided conflict involving international powers and local actors. With the fall of the Assad regime in 2024, the future of Syria remains uncertain, as the country faces a long road to recovery and reconciliation.